Saturday, October 11, 2014

Noticias de Prensa Latina - Puerto Rico Activates Ebola Protocols

Shields and Brooks on same-sex marriage sea change - YouTube

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Published on Oct 10, 2014
Syndicated columnist Mark Shields and New York Times columnist David Brooks join Judy Woodruff to discuss the week’s news, including the Supreme Court decision not to hear cases on gay marriage bans, criticism for the government’s handling of and response to the Ebola epidemic, plus a tribute to former White House press secretary and gun control activist James Brady.

Why July 25 Is a Tragic Date in Puerto Rican History · Global Voices

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July 25 is a day full of meaning for Puerto Ricans. Officially, the government celebrates Constitution Day to commemorate when that document was adopted in 1952. But there are two other historical events remembered on this day. One is the United States invasion of Puerto Rico in 1898. The other is the murder of two young pro-independence activists at the hands of the police, designed and concealed by the highest levels of the government in 1978. 
July 25, 1898: The invasion 
Although the United States invaded Puerto Rico in 1898 during the Spanish-American War, its interest in acquiring a stronghold in the Caribbean dates back much earlier, to at least the early 19th century. The intent behind the decision to take Puerto Rico was to establish naval bases that would maintain access to the proposed interoceanic canal, which would eventually be built by the United States in Panama. 
July 25, 1952: The Constitution of the Commonwealth
This is the official anniversary celebrated by the government of Puerto Rico, and one that holds great importance for the People's Democratic Party (PPD) for being closely linked to its origins, to the point of being one of its founding pillars. The PPD was the party in power during the drafting of the Constitution and the establishment of the Commonwealth. 
The date chosen to proclaim “the end of colonialism” in Puerto Rico was not chosen randomly, but was rather a conscious attempt to change the meaning of the date that marked the beginning of the U.S. colonial period in the country. With much fanfare, it was announced that Puerto Rico had achieved a form of non-colonial government, and this was presented to the international community as a “pact” or “agreement” between Puerto Rico and the U.S.  
Nonetheless, Puerto Rico's sovereignty still remained in the hands of the U.S. Congress and thePuerto Rican Constitution only entered into force after being approved by the U.S. Congress. Among the conditions imposed by the U.S. Congress were the elimination of Article II, Section 20, which established the right to work and to obtain higher education, among other rights; the requirement that any amendment to the Constitution be subject to approval by the U.S. Congress, and that no future amendment could alter the relationship with the U.S., as defined in the Federal Relations Act. 
The ratification of the Constitution occurred in an atmosphere of state repression. Act 53 of 1948, better known as the Gag Law, was enforced during this period. The law penalized any public expression in favor of overthrowing the government of Puerto Rico with a sentence equivalent to that of committing murder. 
The Gag Law suppressed two fundamental rights of any democracy: freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. As Dr. Ivonne Acosta Lespier, a blogger and scholar of the Gag Law, explained in a podcast for La Voz del Centro:
Having written something or selling a book where the revolution was encouraged was more terrible than actually sparking the revolution itself.  
Más terrible era haber escrito, vendido algún libro donde se fomentara la revolución, que hacer la misma revolución. 
As such, the pro-independence sector was criminalized with the intent to prevent it from massively participating in elections. This marked the beginning of the weakening of the independence movement as an electoral force, and it has not been able to recover to this day. For these reasons, many Twitter users, like Vivien Mattei, a communications professor at the Universidad Interamericana in Ponce, posted these comments on July 25: 
Today is a day to remember, not to celebrate #PuertoRico. Invaded, sold, murdered. 
July 25, 1978: The case of Cerro Maravilla
The reference to murder in Professor Mattei's tweet alludes to the assassination of two young pro-independence activists, Arnaldo Darío Rosado and Carlos Soto Arriví, at the hands of the police in Cerro Maravilla in the town of Villalba, south of the central highlands of Puerto Rico. The police claimed they fired shots in self-defense, and the official version of the events labeled the young men as terrorists. 
The Puerto Rican Senate's investigation, however, found that the young men had been executed. This investigation also found that there was suggestive evidence of a cover-up by the Puerto Rican police, the Department of Justice, and the executive branch. The FBI and the federal government's Department of Justice, who also investigated the case, were guilty of negligence, according to the report.  
Then-Governor Carlos Romero Barceló, a member of the New Progressive Party (PNP in Spanish), called the police responsible for the murders “heroes”, something that Romero Barceló now denies. Nonetheless, he agreed earlier that he had in fact said it, when questioned by the press.  
To remember one of the darkest chapters of Puerto Rico's history, the digital magazine Latino Rebels gathered a few videos that provide a good summary of the events in an article published on July 25. 
The Senate hearings were broadcast on television nationally. This made the Cerro Maravilla case one of the biggest media events in Puerto Rico with a profound impact on the future of television, journalism, and the public sphere. The radio program “Te cuento,” aired on Radio Universidad de Puerto Rico, dedicated a program on the importance of the televised hearings of the Cerro Maravilla case: 
So, is there something to celebrate on July 25? Perhaps the answer to this question comes from the lawyer, blogger, and LGBT activist Amárilis Pagán: 
The more they continue to dress it up, July 25 continues to be a day during which we must denounce infamy.
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Telling Puerto Rican Stories on the Web · Global Voices

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Esta Vida Boricua [This Boricua Life] is a digital storytelling project which explores the past and present of Puerto Rico through the collection of experiences of people from all walks of life and all ages. At its most basic level, it is “a place to share stories,” as explained in their “About” section. Elaborating on that thought, they write:
Thus, the stories herein are a journey. They offer splashes of color and texture, shades of shadow and light as well as fragments of shape and depth to the existing Puerto Rican mosaic. They unravel the stereotypes and biased images of Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican culture presented in the media and beyond. They speak of a generation of young people struggling under the uncertainty of colonialism —and a backlash from the slow cultural genocide that has taken place since US occupation after the Spanish-American War and the advent of modernism.
The content, which can take the form of writing (in either Spanish or English), video or audio recordings, is entirely produced by volunteers, most of whom are students from the University of Puerto Rico at Mayagüez, on the western coast of the main island. Poets, musicians and writers are also welcome to contribute original content.

La Respuesta, an Online Magazine by and for the Millions of Puerto Ricans Living in the US · Global Voices

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La Respuesta
Puerto Rican presence in the United States is growing, be it because of Puerto Rico’s current economic situation or the demographic growth of Puerto Ricans in Florida, New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts and Texas. The truth is that we are finding ourselves before a new wave of immigration, perhaps greater than those of the 20th century.
Many factors can shed light on current migration patterns. The economic downturn plaguing Puerto Rico over the past decade (symptoms of larger problems) has driven 600,000 Puerto Ricans to look for opportunities outside the island. For the first time since the population censuses began to be gathered (in 1899), there has been a decline in the number of residents on the island, according to data from the most recent 2010 US federal decennial census compared to the one from 2000. Alongside this important event, currently more Puerto Ricans live in the United States than on the island, a figure somewhere near 5 million, according to estimates. In Puerto Rico the population consists of approximately 3.7 million people. 
Therefore it is not surprising that institutions and media outlets that respond to the Puerto Rican reality are sprouting once again in all the US. This is the case of La Respuesta, an online magazine launched in 2013, based in Chicago and New York.
In the following interview, Global Voices talks to Xavier Burgos Peña, the editor-in-chief and co-founder of the publication. 
Global Voices (GV): How did La Respuesta come about? Who is behind this online magazine? 
Xavier Burgos Peña (XBP): The idea of La Respuesta magazine formed when a small group of Chicago Puerto Ricans went to the Puerto Rican Studies Conference in Hartford, Connecticut in 2010. While there we witnessed the vibrant ways in which the local Puerto Rican population was creating community, similar to what we were doing in Chicago’s “Paseo Boricua” corridor. This sparked a conversation on how we could help develop an accessible, centralized space in which community-building strategies, experiences, and ideas about living in Diaspora could be shared and debated without ever leaving one’s home. Moreover, to offer a platform from which to exhibit the latest in Boricua Diaspora thought and cultural productions from across the United States and beyond.
In early 2013, an Editorial Core formed in Chicago to create an internet-based magazine. Nearly a year later, we’ve expanded our base to New York City with writers and collaborators across the country, from the East Coast to the South and in Puerto Rico.
GV: Is the birth of the magazine related to the growing presence of Puerto Ricans in the United States in recent years? 
XBP: The fact that there are now more of us ‘here’ than ‘there’ signals the increasing importance of having a space for self-definition. Moreover, a space for internal debate and dialogue about our presence in Diaspora.
Puerto Ricans have historically been seen through the eyes of others who control the media and mainstream cultural productions – an imperial gaze, if you will. As a result, we often see ourselves through essentializing and exoticizing, racist stereotypes. Of course, we have also documented our experiences and histories from our own perspectives. Therefore, La Respuesta is a space to share what we’ve already done and are doing as a community of people across the Diaspora, whether in art and literature, music, and film, essay and activism. La Respuesta is also a space so that we can present new and refreshing voices, discuss the socio-economic status of our communities, and map possible directions as a people.  
GV: Being a media outlet that focuses mainly on Puerto Rican issues, why publish articles only in English? I ask because it is a fact that the majority of Puerto Ricans on the island only speak Spanish. Is La Respuesta directed only to the Puerto Rican reader in the diaspora? 
XBP: We do have some articles in Spanish, but we primarily publish in English. The practical reason is because we want to communicate directly to the Boricuas living in Diaspora; those whose entire or most of their experiences is living in the U.S. For these folks, English is the main language of communication. Although Spanish is the lingua franca of Puerto Rico, I would argue that English and Spanglish are also Puerto Rican languages. Who could argue that the writings of Pedro Pietri or Nicholasa Mohr are not a part of the Puerto Rican literary canon or expressions of a Boricua life – albeit distinct from that of the island?
Another reason to publish in English is to validate the puertorriqueñidad of English-dominant Boricuas in Diaspora, who might feel shame or be disregarded because of not being proficient in Spanish and/ or being from “allá.” The longer Puerto Ricans are in the U.S. and if recent migrants (who are coming in the hundreds of thousands) plan to stay and raise their families here, the more English and living in Diaspora will be a reality. La Respuesta is here to document, engage with, and validate this experience. 
GV: I see that La Respuesta also includes other media productions, like the (De)Colonial Subjects radio program. So we can talk about La Respuesta not as an online magazine, but rather a multimedia project…
XBP: We want to stimulate and capture the imagination of our readers as much as possible, which is why we cover a range of topics and forms of media, including podcasts and special topic blogs (queer identities, literature, Palestinian solidarity, etc). We also hope to feature more videos, visual art, photography, and other podcasts.
GV: The diversity in points of view on Puerto Rico’s political situation is evident in the different articles published in La Respuesta, but perhaps the editorial team at La Respuesta, as a media outlet, favors a particular vision.
XBP: We try to provide as many perspectives and visions for Puerto Rican communities in Diaspora and Puerto Rico as possible. One of our core values is to look critically at oppressive elements such as colonialism, racism, trans/ homophobia, sexism, etc. By default, we get many writers who believe in Puerto Rico’s self-determination in regards to its status.  
GV: Why re-imagine the Puerto Rican diaspora?
XBP: As I mentioned a little earlier, Puerto Ricans consume mainstream Eurocentric images and media that oftentimes essentializes and denigrates us. Moreover, the narratives out there about the Boricua Diaspora can be simplistic or missing important voices. We are a space to re-think and re-imagine what it means to be Puerto Rican and living in the US. 
GV: With consistent editions since June 2013 and a network of 880 followers on Twitter and over 3,000 on Facebook, did the founders envision this kind of support for La Respuesta from readers after barely a year? 
XBP: We are very humbled by the tremendous response, support, and contributions we’ve received. We run on an all-volunteer staff with no budget. Despite such setbacks (and in other ways, our strength), we’ve published hundreds of original pieces and over 50 writers. It is obvious that La Respuesta is understood by folks in our communities as the central location to read and experience what the Diaspora has to offer, from our own lens and voices. We always knew there was an audience – we just took on the responsibility of making and sustaining such as project.   
GV: In times like these, where online information – without a doubt – has a greater presence and importance for certain populations, particularly the younger ones, would La Respuesta’s editorial team explore the possibility of publishing a print version of the magazine? 
XBP: Online media is the future of journalism, especially grassroots, critical reporting. The Puerto Rican people have and must continue to carve out and claim a space in that.  
GV: What are the current and future challenges that La Respuesta has as a media outlet directed to the Puerto Rican and Latino communities in the United States? 
XBP: To continue to offer engaging, youthful, critical, and organic media by and for the Boricua Diaspora. 
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Noticias de Prensa Latina - Puerto Rico Activates Ebola Protocols

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Imagen activa09 de octubre de 2014, 16:42San Juan, Oct 9 (Prensa Latina) La existence today of four U.S. airports with high risks of receiving passengers fropm Africa infected with the Ebola virus and the situation in Texas prompted Puerto Rican authorities to activate the protocols against the disease.
Due to the high traffic of passengers from New York, New Jersey, Chicago and Washington to Puerto Rico, local health authorities fitted out an area for quarantine in the international airport of Isla Verde, in Carolina municipality.
The air terminals of the United States receive direct floghts from the African continent, making them vulnerable, according to aviation authorities. Health Minister Ana Rius said that Puerto Rico is ready for any contingency involving a passenger with the symptoms of the Ebola virus in flights between Puerto Rico and the United States.
During a public hearing of the Health Committee of the House, Rius said that oprevention and intervention protocols ar ein place for patients with symptoms of chikungunya, dengue fever and Ebola.
Rius said the Island has 21 quarantine centers to deal with the problem immediately, besides having well-trained personnel to deal with any Ebola-related case.
The first Ebola patient diagnosed in the United States, Thomas Eric Duncan, died yesterday in a hospital in Dallas, Texas, where he was isolated.
Duncan wasinfected with the virus in his country, Liberia, but he showed the symptoms in Texas, a city where many Puerto Ricans, mainly teachers and nurses, live.
sgl/ef/rma/vc/mgt/nrm

EXCLUSIVE: Teen wanted in Bronx slaying tracked down in Puerto Rico

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He was pretty far from the Bronx.
A 17-year-old wanted in the killing of a University Heights man in June was apprehended more than 1,600 miles away — in a small village in Puerto Rico’s Cordillera mountains, law enforcement sources said.
A U.S. Marshals task force assigned to Puerto Rico tracked Joshua Rodriguez to the small hamlet of Barranquitas Thursday night.
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John Elk/Getty Images/Lonely Planet Images
“A teenage fugitive is pretty hard to track because there’s absolutely no paper trail,” the source said. “All this kid had was a learner’s permit.”
Officials didn’t immediately say who Rodriguez was staying with in the town of about 30,000 people. The suspect has yet to be charged.
The teen had been on the lam for four months after he allegedly shot 25-year-old Dakim Blacknall in the back outside the man’s home on Creston Ave. on June 4.
Paramedics rushed Blacknall to St. Barnabas Hospital, where he died. Rodriguez argued with Blacknall shortly before the slaying, police said.
It wasn’t immediately clear when Rodriguez would be brought back to New York.

Florida Puerto Ricans By 2-1 Say "Commonwealth" Can't Be Improved - Puerto Rico Report

Florida Puerto Ricans By 2-1 Say "Commonwealth" Can't Be Improved

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Three-fifths of residents of central Florida of Puerto Rican origin accept that Puerto Rico’s current political status — territory, but sometimes misleadingly called “commonwealth” — cannot be improved, according to a recent professional poll.
The number is more than twice as many as want changes in the current status, the status course advocated by the territory’s “commonwealth” party which very narrowly won control of the insular government from the statehood party in 2012.
The 59% who recognized “[t]hat the Federal government has already said that fixing territorial status is impossible” was 31% greater than the 28% who wanted modifications made in a status that they acknowledge is a territory status.
The 59% also agreed in the scientific survey “that statehood is the best solution for Puerto Rico.”
The support for statehood was consistent with responses to other questions.
  • 58% said that the territory should be made a State based on a plebiscite that the Commonwealth government held along with the elections in 2012. In that vote, 54% of Puerto Rican voters rejected territory status and 61.2% chose statehood among the possible alternatives that have significant support in Puerto Rico.
  • Support for statehood in the poll grew to 64% when only alternatives to territory status were considered. A mere 18% chose nationhood in an association with the U.S. that either nation could end. The status was picked by 33.3% of Puerto Ricans in the 2012 insular plebiscite. Independence was favored by eight percent in the poll but by only 4.5% in Puerto Rico’s plebiscite.
  • 81% would be proud if Puerto Rico became a State, 60% “strongly” and 21% “somewhat.” Only 15% would not be proud, nine percent strongly and six percent somewhat.
  • 76% would welcome the Federal government providing for a vote in Puerto Rico on statehood: 53% would “strongly approve;” 23% would “somewhat approve;” and seven percent each would somewhat or strongly disapprove.
Puerto Rico’s statehood party last weekend resolved to seek the admission of the territory as a State of the U.S. based on the 2012 plebiscite.
Party members in the insular Senate this week proposed legislation for an election of U.S. senators and representatives, a method of seeking statehood pioneered by Tennessee and followed by other territories that became States.
Last year, party President Pedro Pierluisi, the Commonwealth’s representative to the Federal government, proposed a bill to enable Puerto Rico to be admitted as a State if Puerto Ricans vote for the status again. As the sole voice of the territory of 3.6 million people in the U.S. House of Representatives, he led 131 other members of the House in sponsoring the legislation. Three U.S. senators led by Martin Heinrich (D-NM) introduced a companion bill.
Puerto Rico Governor Alejandro Garcia Padilla and most of his “commonwealth” party members who control the territorial Legislative Assembly oppose a vote on statehood.
A few party leaders, however, do not. They include Garcia Padilla’s predecessor as party president, former insular House of Representatives Minority Leader Hector Ferrer, who has hinted that he may challenge Garcia for the governorship in 2016.
The “commonwealth” party leadership is united, though, in its refusal to accept the validity of the 2012 plebiscite. It supported the current territory status rejected in the plebiscite and failed in its effort to defeat statehood.
The “commonwealth” party’s refusal to accept the plebiscite’s results led to President Obama proposing and the Congress in January passing legislation for a plebiscite on status options that can resolve the question of the territory’s ultimate status and do not conflict with the Constitution, laws, and policies of the United States.
Puerto Rico’s Elections Commission would make a proposal for the options but the U.S. Department of Justice would have to find that the alternatives meet the requirements of the law. The Justice Department approval would make it awkward for a losing party to dispute the results.
The results of the poll are of national political importance. Florida is a State so closely divided between Democrats and Republicans that it can be a ‘swing’ State in presidential elections. It is so populous that it can also swing the elections one way or another. And voters of Puerto Rican origin are considered by news and political analysts to be the “swing vote” of this swing State.
A highly regarded national survey research company, Voter Consumer Research, conducted the poll. Although the firm only polls for Republicans when it does political surveys, it has been praised for the accuracy of its data by two of the most influential national political analysts not identified with a political party, Charlie Cook and Stuart Rothenberg.
Voter Consumer Research interviewed residents of Florida living in the ‘I-4 corridor,’ which runs from he Orlando area to Tampa, from August 20th to September 4th. Much of Florida’s population of Puerto Rican origin lives in this area. Ninety-two percent of those questioned were registered voters in the State.
The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 4.9% — an amount that would hardly matter given the lopsided nature of the results.
A new Website, <a href="http://www.pr51st.com" rel="nofollow">www.pr51st.com</a>, released the poll.
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Puerto Rico Sells $900 Million of Short-Term Notes -- Update

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By Dow Jones Business News,  October 10, 2014, 05:37:00 PM EDT
By Aaron Kuriloff
Puerto Rico on Friday sold $900 million of short-term notes bearing interest rates of about 7.75%, its first debt offering since the passage of a law paving the way for a possible restructuring of some of its agencies' obligations.
Among the lenders were J.P. Morgan Chase & Co., Bank of America Corp. and Morgan Stanley, according to a news release issued by the U.S. commonwealth.
The relatively high interest rate reflects concerns that Puerto Rico could run out of cash as its economy struggles. A widely watched index measuring economic activity in August fell to its lowest level in 20 years. In comparison, a bond backing bankrupt Detroit's development authority, which matures in July, traded in recent days at a yield of about 4.25%. Treasury bills maturing in June 2015 yield about 0.05%.
"This transaction will support the Commonwealth's ongoing liquidity as we continue to focus on guiding Puerto Rico on a path to fiscal health and stability," Treasury Secretary Melba Acosta said in the release.
The deal "means Puerto Rico will live another day," said Robert Donahue, managing director at the research firm Municipal Market Advisors. The sale "should allow the government to breathe easy until the end of the fiscal year. The banks will continue to have to monitor the cash burn at the central government level to ensure they can get repaid by next June."
Puerto Rico collects the bulk of its tax receipts in the fourth quarter of its fiscal year, which ends on June 30, Mr. Donahue said. The commonwealth often taps banks for debt financing that is backed by this anticipated tax revenue.
But its financial woes have complicated and raised the costs of what in past years has been a routine annual transaction. For example, these latest notes are subject to New York law, a new protection for the banks, said Shawn O'Leary, senior research analyst at Nuveen Investment Management LLC.
The high interest rate on the Puerto Rico notes shows "how thin the market for Puerto Rico paper is at this point," Mr. O'Leary said.
The sale marks the first time Puerto Rico has borrowed since passing a law in June that allowed some agencies such as the island's power, water and highway authorities to restructure their debts. Those three agencies have almost $20 billion in outstanding debt, according to analysts at Barclays. The law doesn't apply to Puerto Rico's general obligation or sales-tax bonds.
The notes sold Friday are guaranteed by the commonwealth and come due in June, with $700 million carrying an annualized interest rate of 7.75% and another $200 million structured as a revolving line of credit and bearing an interest rate of 7.55% over the London interbank offered rate, or Libor.
The island's Government Development Bank will use the $900 million to buy the same amount of tax- and revenue- anticipation notes from the commonwealth. The bank also will buy another $300 million in notes, as it has in prior years, bringing the total size of the deal to $1.2 billion, according to the release.
In total, Puerto Rico has about $73 billion of debt, which is widely held by mutual funds, hedge funds and individuals. The island needs to tap credit markets again to cover expenses, including more than $1.2 billion in debt service due this year, Mr. Donahue said.
By selling new bonds, Puerto Rico buys itself time to restart the economy, plug its budget deficit and restructure the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, which owes about $9 billion.
In March, Puerto Rico tapped public credit markets, borrowing $3.5 billion at an interest rate of 8%. That sale, which was seen as crucial to the new administration of Gov. Alejandro Garcia Padilla, came after major credit-rating firms downgraded Puerto Rico to junk status.
Write to Aaron Kuriloff at <a href="mailto:aaron.kuriloff@wsj.com">aaron.kuriloff@wsj.com</a>
  (END) Dow Jones Newswires
  10-10-141737ET
  Copyright (c) 2014 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.


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American Future Fund Goes to the Islands

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Alejandro Garcia Padilla, governor of Puerto Rico, is under attack by American Future Fund. (GDA via AP Images)
Alejandro Garcia Padilla, governor of Puerto Rico, is under attack by American Future Fund. (GDA via AP Images)
A politically active nonprofit that spent more than $25 million on ads to help Republicans in the 2012 elections has stepped into a messy dispute between the government of Puerto Rico and a bank that claims the commonwealth owes it money — not something that fits neatly with the group’s activities in previous election cycles.
Doral Financial Corp., which has had financial and regulatory woes in recent years, sued the Puerto Rican government in June for voiding a 2012 agreement to pay the company nearly $230 million. The money is due as a tax refund in connection with Doral overstating its earnings from 1998-2005, according to a lawyer for the firm.
In Doral Financial Corp. v. Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the company demands reinstatement of the agreement, which was signed by the government under the previous governor, Luis Fortuno, a Republican. Administration officials under Democratic Gov. Alejandro Garcia Padilla, who took office in 2012, nullified the contract.
Taking Doral’s side, American Future Fund is sponsoring an ad that goes after Padilla with a sledgehammer and ran in Politico on Thursday and the Wall Street Journal today,  Superimposed on a large photo of the governor are the words “Puerto Rico’s Culture of Corruption.” It goes on to accuse him of running the country in a way that resembles “the rogue governments” of Argentina and Venezuela; turning Puerto Rico into a major transit point in the drug trade; destroying the rights of creditors and pensioners with “an illegal bankruptcy law”; and “trumping up charges against a private bank,” among other misdeeds.
Why does AFF suddenly care about the interests of a bank in a U.S. commonwealth? And why now, since Padilla isn’t even up for re-election until 2016?
The timing question is easiest to answer: The bank’s lawsuit heads to court next week, on Sept. 17. As for motive, that’s less clear. Messages left on AFF’s phone asking whether it was being paid for its involvement on behalf of the bank went unanswered.
But why? A possible answer, Padilla’s allies suggest, is that Doral hired a top Republican lobbying and PR firm, DCI Group, to help make its case earlier this year. DCI is well-known in GOP circles and to AFF, which previously contracted with a fundraising firm run by a former top executive at DCI.
“The links between Doral and AFF have become clear to us,” said Luis Vega Ramos, a member of the Puerto Rico House of Representatives, who accused Doral and its surrogates of “trying to prevail through the dissemination of false information” about the commonwealth. Vega Ramos, who is leading a legislative investigation of the circumstances leading to the original agreement, noted that the previous Treasury Secretary went to work as an executive vice president for Doral shortly after the deal was struck. In addition, he said in an interview, Doral’s claims rest on tax filings later shown to be inaccurate, and if anything the company should have been given a tax credit of a much lesser amount, rather than a reimbursement.
Like many groups in the Koch network, Iowa-based AFF has been far less involved helping federal candidates in this election cycle than in previous years. And the Center to Protect Patient Rights, which doled out hundreds of millions of dollars to those groups, seems to have virtually vanished from the scene. American Commitment, also a Koch-linked group, has also pared back its spending on federal elections, but has been extremely active in fighting proposed FCC rules on net neutrality, which it calls a “full federal takeover” of the Internet.
Both AFF and CPPR were involved in a scheme to funnel funds into two California ballot issue campaigns in 2012; the California Fair Political Practices Commission uncovered the scheme, in which money was passed through several 501(c) groups that don’t have to disclose their donors, and said it was a form of “money laundering.”
AFF is not required to disclose the names of its donors. But IRS documents filed by it and other organizations showed that it received almost all its 2012 funding — 92 percent — from two groups that were hubs of the network of 501(c) organizations closely linked to the conservative billionaire Koch brothers: The Center to Protect Patient Rights provided $49.2 million of AFF’s $67.9 million in income that year, while Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce gave another $13.6 million.
Whether DCI Group, Doral or anyone related to those companies is helping prop up AFF this year is unknown, and may remain that way. However, AFF has become involved in only three congressional races in the 2014 cycle — two House and one Senate. The group has also spent money to help a Republican candidate for governor in Nebraska.